DEA
Congressional Testimony
April 14, 2004
Statement
of
Mark R. Trouville
Special Agent in Charge
New England Field Division
Drug Enforcement Administration
Before
the
Vermont
House Committee on Health and Welfare
April
14, 2004
“S.
76, The Medical Use of Marijuana”
Chairman Koch and
distinguished members of the Committee, I appreciate the opportunity
to testify today on S. 76 entitled, “The Medical Use of Marijuana,” with
particular emphasis on its potential impact on federal law enforcement.
Mr. Chairman, the
overwhelming weight of evidence and experience conclusively show that
marijuana and its consequences are dangerous to both users and non-users.
The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) therefore vigilantly enforces
federal laws prohibiting manufacturing and distribution of marijuana.
We believe that the proposal before you today would have a significant
negative impact on federal enforcement. It is not only inconsistent
with federal law, it obstructs federal law. We have seen from experience
in other states that state laws permitting use of marijuana encourage
violations of federal law and pose significant practical obstacles
to law enforcement. Moreover, we do not believe that the proposal will
accomplish its stated goals because, as the Institute of Medicine (IOM)
put it, “[t]here is little future in smoked marijuana as a medically
approved medication.” On balance, the potentially significant
negative impact on public health and safety as well as law enforcement
should weigh heavily against this legislation. We believe the citizens
of Vermont will be best served by keeping state law consistent with
the view Congress has settled upon based on the weight of scientific
and medical evidence.
The
Bill Will Adversely Impact Federal Law Enforcement
While states are
free to define criminal acts and impose corresponding penalties in
the manner they see fit, it does not follow that the absence of state
penalties “legalizes” conduct that remains unlawful under
federal law. More than seven years of experience have demonstrated
that when a state legalizes marijuana under its law, residents are
effectively encouraged to violate federal drug laws. This result undermines
the protection to the public health and safety inherent in the federal
drug approval process, creates public confusion, interferes with law
enforcement efforts to combat drug trafficking, and runs afoul of the
Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution.
This is not rhetoric – let
me illustrate these very real problems from the DEA’s experience
in other states. For example, two investigations involving “medical” marijuana
clubs demonstrate that purported “medical” use only hides
everyday drug dealing. The clubs’ owners cultivated and distributed
significant amounts of “medical” marijuana in the area,
not only to “patients,” but to anyone who wanted to buy
it. In one of the investigations, a witness claims to have seen more
than 4,000 plants being cultivated inside one of the clubs. In the
second case, approximately 979 plants and several pounds of processed
marijuana were seized during the execution of a Federal search warrant.
One of the owners admitted that he rented the property and grew the
marijuana for his 120 “patients.” In addition to the contraband
that was seized, documents indicating that the grower had made $140,000
in profits from his drug dealing were also seized.
Along these lines,
I would like to point out that the bill before you today is conspicuously
silent with regard to the fact that the cultivation, distribution,
and possession of marijuana, even in compliance with the bill, would
violate federal law and subject the individuals engaged in such conduct
to criminal and civil prosecution. That omission points to a glaring
practical issue in the legislation – there is simply no way for
it to be given effect without encouraging and facilitating trafficking
in a federally controlled substance.
When the General
Assembly considers this proposal, we hope it will consider how these
types of laws undermine the efforts of law enforcement officials at
every level nationwide. In the states that have passed these types
of laws since 1996, longtime drug dealers have reinvented themselves
as “caregivers” so that they can claim immunity from prosecution.
This proposal and similar laws enacted in other states are written
in a manner that makes it easy for any drug dealer to concoct a “medical” marijuana
defense. The impact on law enforcement should be obvious, as a Maryland
lawyer recently was publicly quoted as saying there “are a whole
bunch of people who like marijuana who can now try to use this defense.”
Marijuana
Use Is Dangerous to the User and Others
The DEA vigilantly
enforces federal laws against marijuana trafficking for a simple reason
that remains as compelling, if not more compelling, today than in the
past: marijuana use is dangerous to both the user and the non-user,
particularly children. This is true irrespective of whether or not
its use is for purported “medical” purposes. While the
list of these concerns is lengthy, I would like to highlight the most
telling examples.
Marijuana is the
most widely used illicit drug in America and a widespread social and
human service concern. More young people are currently in treatment
for marijuana dependency than for alcohol and all other illegal drugs
combined, and mentions of marijuana use in emergency room visits have
risen 176 percent since 1994, surpassing those of heroin. Any liberalization
of marijuana policy will send a false and misleading message that marijuana
is harmless if not affirmatively good for you, exacerbating the already
significant problem of marijuana abuse. Use of marijuana by young people
is a frequent precursor to the use of more dangerous drugs, and signals
a significantly enhanced likelihood of drug problems in adult life.
For example, a study done by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration (SAMHSA) in 2002 found that 62 percent of the
adults who first tried marijuana before they were 15 years old were
likely to go on to cocaine – but the same was true of only one-half
of one percent of adults who had never tried marijuana.
Smoked marijuana
is also dangerous to those who use it, belying any beneficent rationale
in permitting its use. Marijuana smoke contains 50 percent to 70 percent
more carcinogenic hydrocarbons than tobacco smoke. Marijuana may promote
cancer of the respiratory tract and provide heightened risk of lung
infection and many other diseases. The British Medical Association
(BMA) is so concerned about the negative health impact of liberalization
initiatives such as the one before you today that it recently voiced “extreme
concern” that altering the criminal penalties for marijuana use
would create a misleading impression that marijuana is safe to use
that the BMA emphasized that “the public must be made aware of
the harmful effects we know result from smoking the drug.”
As DEA Administrator
Tandy repeatedly emphasizes, the significance of maintaining cohesive
and coordinated laws against marijuana use is the harm it causes to
the non-user, which is in no way reduced when use of the drug is for
claimed “medical” purposes. One compelling example is drugged
driving. Marijuana affects alertness, concentration, perception, coordination,
and reaction time – skills that are necessary for safe driving.
A roadside study of reckless drivers in Tennessee found that 33 percent
of those tested who were not under the influence of alcohol tested
positive for marijuana. Although this bill specifically exempts drugged
driving from its protection, there can be little serious doubt that
any increase in use will proportionally increase drugged driving. Use
of marijuana and other illicit drugs also comes at significant expense
to society in terms of lost employee productivity, public health care
costs, and accidents. Finally, research shows a link between frequent
marijuana use and increased violent behavior, and young people who
use marijuana weekly are nearly four times more likely than non-users
to engage in violence.
Smoked
Marijuana is Not Medicine
Supporters of liberalization
of marijuana laws attempt to balance these demonstrable and widespread
social harms and health risks against purported benefits for a few
users for claimed “medical” purposes. The evidence is clear,
however, that smoked marijuana not only has “little future” as
medicine, as the IOM put it, but that there is not established scientific
and medical proof that marijuana has therapeutic value.
It is clear to
DEA that there is no consensus on the medical evidence that smoking
marijuana helps patients. The American Medical Association has rejected
pleas to endorse smoked marijuana as medicine, and instead has urged
that marijuana remain a “Schedule I” drug (which by definition
has no accepted medical use) pending further research. The National
Multiple Sclerosis Society has concluded that existing studies “have
not provided convincing evidence that marijuana benefits people with
MS,” further emphasizing that “marijuana is not recommended
as a treatment” and that “long-term use of marijuana may
be associated with significant side effects”.
Just as importantly,
marijuana has not been approved for use as a “medicine” under
the rigorous federal drug approval process conducted by the Food and
Drug Administration as required by law. That process prohibits any
drug from being sold as a medicine unless it has been proven in sound
clinical studies to be both safe and effective for its intended use.
To date, no sound scientific study has shown that smoking marijuana
is both safe and effective for any disease or condition. Our medical
system relies on proven scientific research, not polling results or
supposition.
The federal government
continues, however, to support research into the medical efficacy of
certain isolated properties and ingredients of marijuana. One such
example is Marinol, which is a safe, pill form of synthetic THC that
has been effective in promoting health without delivering all the harmful
substances that are found in smoked marijuana. The DEA has approved
and will continue to approve research into whether there may be other
appropriate uses for THC or other specific ingredients of marijuana.
But even if smoking marijuana makes people “feel better,” that
is not enough to call it a “medicine” any more than one
would suggest using heroin to treat a sick person. Medicine must be
defined by scientists and physicians and not lobbyists, and compassion
dictates that harmful drugs should not be touted as medicine to an
unsuspecting public.
Conclusion
In conclusion,
Mr. Chairman, the legislation under consideration will pose significant
obstacles to federal law enforcement and exacerbate social harms and
health risks to both users and non-users of marijuana use without providing
any of the benefits it purports to offer. I very much appreciate the
invitation to testify today and would be glad to answer any questions.
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